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The UN is part of Palestine’s problem


At the United Nations building in New York City on Friday, 23 September 2011, Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian Authority and chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) addresses the General Assembly in his bid to obtain full recognition of Palestine, as a state, in the United Nations.

As President Obama, and Prime Ministers Cameron and Netanyahu were when they spoke, Mahmoud Abbas is sharply dressed and wears a suit.

There is only one major difference between him and the others, but a crucial one: Mahmoud Abbas gives his speech in Arabic.

Mahmoud Abbas wears the imperialists’ clothes but does not speak the imperialists’ language of choice. Abbas, in the eyes of Obama, Cameron and Netanyahu, represents the “other” — the “majority world” (often mistakenly called “developing world”), the oppressed. He represents the people that, for them, do not count.

For all the talk about the PA bid putting the US and Israel under pressure, for all the nervousness shown by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, US President Barack Obama and the rest, they do not, at the end of the day, care the slightest about it.

They do not care if all the polls in the world showed that the majority of people asked are in favor of recognizing Palestine as a state and they do not care if Abbas wears a suit or not.

Abbas could have worn Arafat’s famous kuffiyeh, the checkered scarf that has become a Palestinian nationalist symbol; the result would have been the same. In their heads, there will always be masters (them) and servants (the others). Mahmoud Abbas and the Palestinians, today, still represent the other.

And the other does not have a voice, even at the UN.

The UN is one of the most undemocratic bodies in the world. After all, five permanent members have the right to veto anything they disagree with. The decisions of those five members, the masters — United States, United Kingdom, France, Russia and China — overrule the actions that the rest of the world is sometimes willing to take.

In a way, this arrangement mirrors internationally what goes on in most countries: A powerful elite living the high-life and making decisions for everyone else while the majority of humanity is struggling to make ends meet.

The UN is therefore part of the problem and will never bring justice to the Palestinians. It is precisely this body which exacerbated in 1947 the mess the Palestinians are currently in by passing a resolution calling for the partition of Palestine without the consent of its indigenous people. Thus, the UN violated the Palestinians’ right to self-determination at the very moment other colonized peoples were exercising theirs.

Since then, dozens of resolutions have been adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council upholding the Palestinians’ right of self-determination, demanding an end of occupation and colonization and Israeli withdrawal from occupied lands, and the right of return of the refugees.

Yet without exception, those resolutions have been violated by Israel with total impunity. Why? Because Israel is part of the masters’ clique. Israel is in their club and represents the same interests.

While it is easy to understand the PA’s motivations in making a move at the UN — taking matters for the first time in a long time into their own hands, not succumbing to pressure, making a statement — it has unfortunately very little chance to make any real difference on the ground. By going to the UN, the PA continues to accept the rules of its master/oppressor.

In history, there has never been a case of a master relinquishing power for philosophical and altruistic reasons.

Did the slave masters suddenly decide that it was morally reprehensible to use other people as slaves? Did the segregationists in the US decide that Rosa Parks, after all, should be able to sit in the seat of her choice when going on a bus?

Did white South Africans, after the Sharpeville massacre, think that killing black women, kids and innocents was not what their beloved God or nationalist ideology had in mind? Did Hosni Mubarak after more than thirty years in power think that it was time to have a real democracy in Egypt?

They did not.

Those struggles were won by people’s power. When the people said NO. When the people, despite eventually facing terrible consequences, organized, took on the streets, marched, chanted, went on strike, united, rebelled and said “we will not have it your way any longer.”

What will make the road shorter for the Palestinians — who have already struggled and endured for so long — is to mobilize as much international solidarity as possible, to shift the balance in favor of the people faster.

And this is on the way. Palestinian civil society has done precisely this with its 2005 civil society call for boycott divestment and sanctions (BDS).

All over the world, people acting on the BDS call are building a movement, and building momemtum that no one can control because it comes from the bottom up, is in constant evolution and keeps re-inventing itself. A movement based on human rights and international law.

This movement, accompanied by other initiatives such as the International Solidarity Movement, the Free Gaza Movement, the flotillas and “‘flytilla,” the Viva Palestina convoys, the Russell Tribunal on Palestine and many other creative and spontaneous actions hav isolated and delegitimized Israel, a rogue state, far more effectively than years of endless and fruitless negotiations.

People are taking matters into their own hands; they are writing and making, history. The masters know that this has happened many time in the past. The thought of it happening again sends shivers into their expensive suits.

Frank Barat

Electronic Intifada

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Villagers v settlers


At midnight the Palestinian vigil against the predations of nearby Jewish settlers begins. Five students, armed with a pocket-torch, stand guard at the hilltop entrance of the small Palestinian village of Kfar Qusra. Farmers and their wives pitch camp in their fields, watching their flocks.

It is not an even fight. Jewish settlers wield M-16 rifles. Villagers have mobile phones and stones. But after religious zealots from the nearby Esh Kodesh (“Holy Light”) outpost scrawled “Muhammad is a pig” in Hebrew on the walls of the village mosque and rolled burning tyres inside its prayer hall, the villagers decided that the moral high ground was no longer enough. “The age of sumud (stubborn steadfastness) has passed,” says a local businessman. “We must defend ourselves. The whole town is prepared.” At an evening planning meeting, an 85-year-old landowner encourages his sons to abduct the next settler who chops down trees in his olive groves or slaughters one of his sheep.

Outgunned, outnumbered, but now fighting back

So far the new, more robust tactics of the villagers have worked. On September 16th, a week after the attack on the mosque, a Qusra farmer, Fathallah Abu Rayda, spied a band of settlers near his local well, seemingly intent on destroying or poisoning it, and notified the village network. Within minutes the mosque’s loudspeakers had sounded the alarm, and hundreds had gathered to shoo the intruders away. One fled, said villagers, in his underpants. In the panic Mr Abu Rayda was shot in the leg, but they have yet to return.

Mahmoud Abbas’s diplomatic manoeuvring in New York has left many villagers confused. But he may have raised expectations, especially in Area C, the rural 60% of the West Bank, including Qusra, which an “interim agreement” between the Palestinian Liberation Organisation and Israel in 1995 left under Israel’s full control. Ever since, Israel has tightened its grip over Area C, weaving a web of settlements, military bases, roads, separation barriers and checkpoints. Palestinian police in the designated area patrol in plain clothes and unarmed, but are not allowed to use force to restrain the settlers if they seek to impose themselves on the Palestinian villagers either by attacking them or by damaging their property. Settlers now outnumber Palestinians in Area C by two to one; they regard the territory as theirs. Hence their horror at suggestions that the proposed two states should be based on the pre-1967 line, for that would mean their removal.

With Mr Abbas now promising to secure Palestine’s legal right to the land at the UN, other Palestinian villages are also establishing networks to look out for trespassing settlers. A new group called Youth Against Settlements has opened an operations room in Hebron to co-ordinate 300 volunteers who patrol the southern part of the West Bank that surrounds the city by car, by bicycle and on foot. They now scour the land, watching out for settler raids.
In response to the UN bid, Jewish settlers are mobilising too. By day they march about, brandishing large Israeli flags. By night, activists exact what they call “price-tags”, for instance by defiling mosques, in the hope of provoking a conflict which the well-armed settlers feel sure they could win. They have also used their formidable presence in Israel’s combat units and supporters in Mr Netanyahu’s ruling coalition to press home their advantage. To ward off anticipated Palestinian demonstrations in the wake of the UN vote in New York, Israeli soldiers armed with stun-grenades, tear-gas and a foul-smelling liquid known as skunk have moved into settlements near Palestinian towns. If hordes try to enter, says a settler security officer, the settlers are licensed to shoot.

 

Even before Mr Abbas at last declared his intention to bid for statehood at the UN Security Council, friction was mounting. As Jewish settlers and Palestinian villagers race to fill the West Bank’s remaining open land with orchards and housing, it has been getting increasingly crowded.

Bizarrely, each side, in some respects, feeds the other’s appetite. Settlers pay Palestinian labourers to build their homes; Palestinians use the proceeds to expand their own villages. Zealots on both sides see land as sacred. Qusra’s villagers celebrated their success in chasing settlers away by staging their Friday prayers in the fields, prostrating themselves on the ploughed earth.

Might such rural friction trigger broader unrest? Ramallah, Mr Abbas’s seat of government, is but half an hour’s drive south, provided you get through two checkpoints without being delayed. But its stylish cafés offer an agreeable diversion from Area C’s grim daily grind. Mr Abbas’s men have laboured to harness rural vigilantes to ensure that demonstrations are confined to the West Bank cities they control.

But the interim agreements prevent them from operating in Area C, so they are powerless to deter or contain clashes between villagers and settlers. Moreover, the radicals of Hamas, the Islamist group that abhors Mr Abbas and his ruling faction on the West Bank, have a freer hand to stir up trouble. In the past Hamas has sought to undermine Mr Abbas’s diplomatic initiatives. On the eve of talks between Mr Abbas and the Israelis last year, Hamas staged a lethal drive-by shooting near Qusra.

Indeed, the sneers of Hamas against Mr Abbas appeal to quite a few of the villagers. Six years ago Hamas won local elections in Qusra and nearby villages, and could do so again. While lauding Mr Abbas for his recent stand in New York, some Qusra people say he has run to the UN only because he is too weak to act on the ground. All anti-settler monitors say they will abide by his calls for non-violence (though stone-throwing is thought not to count). But a villager adds menacingly, “If Hamas were in charge, not a single settler would dare raid our land.”

The Economist

Posted in Palestine news, West BankComments (0)

A curse on both your houses: Israel and the PA are both sinful


Welcome to the Weekend Holyland Wrap. No glib and whimsical intro this week, as I’m not in the damn mood. Let’s just get to it.

By Rechavia “Rick” Berman

I’ve already outlined the technical reasons why recognizing Palestinian “statehood” would be a mere mockery (to recap: No control over own population registry, no control over own imports, to name just two bits and pieces of ludicrous), but in the run-up to the whole stupid UN wankathon, we got an inkling of just how disgusting, duplicitous and devoid of integrity the Paltustanian Authority really is.

In an interview to Lebanon’s Daily Star newspaper, the PLO’s Ambassador to that country (which is to say the Paltustanian Authority’s ambassador to that country) stated flatly that even if Palestine is recognized as a full UN member along the 1967 borders (the West Bank and Gaza Strip), it will not grant citizenship to refugees – not even those refugees living in camps within the borders of this state.

The implications of this declaration are inescapable. The Israeli Right has actually been right all along – the Palestinian leadership really does not want peace and a state of its own, and will use whatever it’s given not to do for its own people, but to continue to hammer Israel.

I understand that the ambassador was referring only to a situation in which the UN recognizes but nothing changes on the ground regarding the reality of occupation, and that an actual bilateral agreement could change that; but still, it’s very telling. If you declare a state but keep almost 700 thousand of your own people stateless and disenfranchised (not even counting the 1.1 million refugees in Gaza, which the PA doesn’t even control on a Bantustan level anymore, and of course not counting another couple million refugees abroad) – then you’re not at all interested in serving your people. If you really want statehood, then the moment you declare it, it applies to all your people, or at least all your people already in the area you pretend to control.

On the other hand, what Israel wants to do – keep the entire Palestinian population of the West Bank disenfranchised, occupied, molested and oppressed until they leave or break out in a bloody enough uprising to give “fog of war” cover to another Nakba – is equally heinous. Probably more. I lose count at such levels of stench.

US Secretary of State Clinton with Netanyahu and Abbas at failed peace talks in September 2010 (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)

Bibi made it absolutely clear (somewhere in between zoological observations) that he has zero intention of making an actual agreement resulting in an actually independent, contiguous Palestine. There are no security assurances in the universe that will make the specter of Qassams fired at Ben Gurion Airport less threatening – except massive overt and covert Israeli presence on the “Palestine” side of the border, rendering any pretense of independence a sham. Bibi wants troops along the mountains, in the (still being raped, thank you) Jordan Valley, and everywhere else that will put his Jid paranoia to a semblance of rest. Merely having the ability to re-invade and stomp Palestine into the ground at will in retaliation for such an attack wouldn’t be enough. He needs to already be there.

Cause, see, this whole UN bid is not about sovereignty, it’s about access to the International Criminal Court, and the ability to sue Israelis for the crimes of the occupation. While this is a worthy goal which I support, when you say “I hereby declare myself a sovereign state”, that’s gotta mean something. If you take a minimalist approach to your own sovereignty, don’t be surprised when others give it even less than that.

Meanwhile, while two corrupt, evil aging men in designer suits were blathering in front of a bunch of other crooks, a vehicle carrying a settler and his baby flipped over somewhere along an apartheid road in the apartheid occupied territories, killing both occupants. The Israeli police have determined that this accident had nothing to do with rocks being allegedly thrown at the car, but the hard-core settlers don’t care, and are vowing a pogrom in revenge. While this blameless accident occurred, another possible accident occurred in which a Palestinian child was run over by a settler, and one outright murder took place as Essam Kemal Odeh, 37, was shot to death in his home village of Qusra during a protest. The IDF thugs have confirmed that they were using live ammunition and have promised to “look into the matter”, with the reigning officer in the area saying “there appear to have been some irregularities in the conduct of the forces” No shit, Sherlock? What tipped you off – the use of live ammunition where it’s supposedly not allowed, or did you give special dispensation for that in light of the UN-geddon?

These sorts of incidents, and not oral vomiting at the UN, is what reality in the occupied territories is about. And now that the dog and pony show is over for now, Palestinians will be free to succumb to disillusion and turn to violence – which is exactly what their enemy wants.

Now, the two-state solution is dead. There is no political will for it in Israel, poll results aside. Nobody is gonna stomach removing 300 thousand settlers, let alone another 300 thousand from East Jerusalem (and to think that in the 90’s Israel could have evacuated the rest of the WB and kept every single settler neighborhood in what it calls “Jerusalem” in place, and the world would have celebrated its sacrifice)

And to those of you waxing naïve about a democratic one state, please, for the love of all gods and goddesses, put the bong down (pass it here, actually…) and do the math, even assuming the democratic nature and functioning requisite institutions among the Palestinian population:

Tomorrow morning a OneState is declared, with the vote given to everyone currently living between the Jordan and the Mediterranean. Elections are called. What will the results be? That’s right, you clever boys and girls you – deadlock. A very slight majority for Jewish parties, and zero possibility of any actual reforms that will give the Palestinians anything other than the vote. Like Martin Luther King said, it don’t matter if the negro is allowed at the lunch counter when he ain’t got the money to buy himself a burger there. And ALL the economic and military power will be in Jewish hands pending any reforms – which the above-proven deadlock will prevent.

To pretend otherwise is to believe that after making the immense concession of enfranchising the occupied Palestinians and dooming themselves to an electoral minority status within a decade or two, any significant number of Jewish voters will then, in the first unified elections, not feel that they have already conceded above and beyond, but will go on and vote for any sort of affirmative action to make up for decades of exploitation and discrimination.

So, we have one state, we have political deadlock, the lives of most Palestinians don’t get any better and no refugees are allowed back to where they or they’re granddaddy came from (because that requires changing laws in a democratic process). How long before inevitable civil war? Not long at all.

And for the last time – don’t talk to me about South Africa. In SA, all you had to do was give everyone the vote, hold elections, and voila! You had a single party with an absolute majority to make immediate reforms to ease the pressure. Here you don’t have that. That’s a decisive difference.

Therefore, to dream about a one-state solution is to imagine that the world will not only force Israel to enfranchise everyone, but having done so will not consider the task over, and will continue to force Israel to make the necessary reforms – and that Israel will actually succumb to this pressure peacefully and not go all Masada in response. That, my dear deluded friends, will never happen.

So the two-state solution (which I only ever believed in as an interim solution for a federation, which would then be formed by equal, sovereign entities) is dead, and the one-state solution is a guaranteed bloodbath. Continuing the occupation also guarantees a bloodbath.

So damn you, the current and any foreseeable government of Israel. Blast you, Fatah and the PA. A curse on both your houses – just try to hold it off till I scrounge the money to get my family the hell out of this doomed land. I love it, but while I personally don’t much care if I live or die anymore, I don’t have the right to adopt the same attitude for my children.

+972

Posted in International News, Palestine newsComments (1)

Palestinians’ U.N. gamble could backfire


It goes without saying that Palestinians and Arabs are outraged by the idea that the United States is threatening to block recognition of a Palestinian state at the United Nations.What is less obvious, perhaps, is that some of the most vociferous critics of the Palestinian bid for upgraded U.N. recognition are Palestinians themselves. How could it be that advocates of Palestinian rights could be suspicious of, if not altogether opposed to, the U.N. gambit? Isn’t the creation of an internationally recognized independent state the goal shared by all Palestinians?Not exactly. The Palestinian cause concerns more than merely statehood. And although much depends on how the statehood bid is formally expressed, there is every possibility that U.N. action on the wrong set of terms could be a setback in the Palestinians’ decades-long struggle for self-determination and the right to live normal, dignified lives in their ancestral land.

At the heart of the problem is how “Palestine” might come to be defined in the U.N. The statehood bid probably will be structured along the lines long discussed as the basis for a two-state solution: territory encompassing the 22% of historical Palestine that remained after hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were forced from their homes during the creation of Israel in 1948 — namely, the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, which were subsequently captured by Israel in 1967. But that could change who the United Nations considers to be Palestinian and how their rights may be determined, to their profound detriment.

Today, the Palestine Liberation Organization is recognized by the U.N. and most of its member states as the sole legitimate representative of the entire Palestinian people: those living under occupation, those living in Israel and those living in exile or as refugees, who constitute the single largest group of Palestinians. If its place in the international body is taken by a Palestinian state identifying itself with the occupied territories, Palestinians who do not live in those territories — that is, the majority of Palestinians — could lose their representation at the U.N. and be pushed back into the shadowy silence and invisibility from which they fought to emerge in the 1960s. The 1.5 million Palestinians living as second-class citizens of Israel could be left to fend for themselves against legalized discrimination and political repression directed against them as non-Jews in a state whose Jewish identity the Israelis are demanding ever more insistently that the Palestinians acknowledge.

Moreover, an internationally recognized state limited to the shards of Palestine that remained after 1948 would do nothing for the Palestinian right of return to homes and land in what is today Israel, and could in fact gravely threaten the exercise of that right, which is fundamental to the Palestinian cause.

A very broad set of Palestinian rights is already recognized by the U.N. As the Oxford legal scholar Guy Goodwin-Gill notes, the General Assembly has repeatedly emphasized that “the Palestinian people is the principal party to the question of Palestine,” just as it has recognized that the right to self-determination and the right of return to homes and property from which they were displaced inheres in the Palestinians as a people. And U.N. resolutions do not limit the Palestinian people or their rights merely to the territories occupied in 1967; General Assembly Resolution 194, for example, expressly recognizes their right of return to homes in what is now Israel.

It would be profoundly problematic, not to say dangerous, if the Palestinian U.N. bid substituted a very narrow formal recognition — which would mean little practically, given that mere recognition would do nothing to actually end Israel’s ongoing occupation of Palestinian land — for the much broader definition of the Palestinian constituency and the array of Palestinian rights already recognized by the U.N.

These worries are not unfounded if one considers the Palestinian politicians preparing the statehood bid: the venal clique surrounding Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian Authority “president” whose term expired almost three years ago. Abbas and his circle are not merely unelected; their party was actually thrown out of office in the last Palestinian elections in 2006.

Shrouded in mystery, their current bid is consistent with the pattern they established during the endless secret negotiations of a two-decade peace process whose only tangible result has been to give them a fleeting taste of power while leading their people deeper and deeper into a morass. Indifferent to the democratic tide sweeping the Arab world, they neither have, nor have they sought, a popular mandate for the gamble they are undertaking. Indeed, many Palestinian observers see the current U.N. gambit as yet another cynical maneuver that has more to do with resuscitating a failed two-state strategy —and Abbas’ own waning political fortunes — than with genuine concern for his people’s inalienable rights.

We are, then, in a moment pregnant with ironies. With its eye on the 2012 elections, the Obama administration intends, as usual, to come to Israel’s rescue at the U.N. But in the act of serving Israel by blocking the expression, however flawed, of legitimate Palestinian aspirations, the U.S. would also inadvertently be thwarting Abbas and company, one of the unpopular and undemocratic regimes it has long propped up throughout the Arab world. And, although it would be doing so for the wrong reasons, by standing in the way of recognizing a state whose contours and purported leadership do nothing to address the rights of most Palestinians, the U.S. might also contribute unwittingly to maintaining the integrity of the Palestinian cause.

Saree Makdisi is a professor of English and comparative literature at UCLA. He is the author of, among other books, “Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation.”

Copyright © 2011, Los Angeles Times

Posted in International News, Palestine newsComments (2)

Give the Palmer report the contempt it deserves


On Friday, 2 September, a pro-Israeli body at the United Nations released a brazenly unbalanced report concluding that Israel’s four-year  blockade of some 1.7 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip was “legal” and  “within the barometers of international law.”

The scandalous report, dubbed as the Palmer report, also concluded that the manifestly criminal  Israeli assault on a Turkish ship carrying solidarity activists and humanitarian materials  to besieged Gazans, which occurred 18 months ago and   killed at least nine Turkish citizens and injured many others, was also legal.

The report was reportedly prepared by a group of fanatical Zionists who thought that Israel could do nothing wrong and that its victims, whether Turks or Arabs, were either terrorists or sub-humans whose lives had no sanctity whatsoever.

The obscene disregard of truth inherent in that infamous and biased document showed that professionalism and objectivity were the last things on the minds of that commission’s members.

Indeed, the victims of the Gaza siege, which ironically  is yet to be lifted, have every right under the sun  to cry out to the seventh heaven, in anger and bitterness, wondering what right  the Nazi-like entity, Israel, ever had to withhold medicine and  food supplies, fuel and  other  basic necessities from the people  of  Gaza.

To justify its murderous  and  enduring blockade, which killed ( and continues to kill) thousands of innocent  people,  including children,   and devastated the lives  of hundreds of thousands others, Israel invoked  the mantra of arms smuggling into Gaza .

However, the truth of the matter is that under the rubric of preventing the alleged smuggling  of weapons  into the coastal  enclave, Israel repeatedly demonstrated that it was hell-bent  on  starving ordinary Gazans by denying  them badly-needed medicine and  by ruining their originally meager  economy, causing  real starvation with catastrophic proportions.

In fact, some Zionist officials boasted rather gleefully and sadistically about Israel’s ability to make the people of Gaza go on a diet. Unfortunately, the sickening remarks were not prominently featured in the Jewish-controlled American and western press whose coverage of Israeli criminality fell markedly short of basic professional standards.

In the final analysis, when people, including Jews, think, behave and act like the Nazis, these people ought to be compared with the Nazis, let alone treated as the Nazis were treated.

Failing  to hold these comparisons due to “special sensitivities” such as the fear of being  branded “anti-Semitic” is both a betrayal  of  human conscience and professional standards.

Gaza is not  a state, it is  rather an impoverished and heavily-populated  coastal enclave packed  with refugees who had been forced to flee their native towns and villages  at the hands of terrorist Jewish gangs coming from  Eastern  Europe .

Israel claimed ad nauseam it left Gaza for good. However, the truth of the matter is that the Nazi-apartheid regime retained its erstwhile tight control of Gaza’s territorial water, border crossings as well as air space.

And when the Islamic  liberation movement, known as Hamas, won meticulously  internationally observed elections, Israel lost its  composure and decided to  impose draconian  sanctions encompassing  everything  entering  Gaza or  coming  out of the blockaded territory.

The criminal siege, which many courageous  international  observers compared with the Nazi siege of the  Ghetto  Warsaw during the Second  World War, was always made to  produce maximum suffering  and  pain  thanks to a never-ending series of criminal aggressions that mainly targeted innocent civilians.

Israeli leaders, most of them are actually  certified war criminals,  were  quoted on several   occasions  as saying that the targeting of  innocent  Palestinian  civilians by the Israeli  occupation army  was meant to force the civilians  to rise up against their elected government.

There is no doubt that the deliberate and planned targeting of innocent children by Israel is a criminal act. Even Israeli human rights organizations, such as B’tselem, admit that it is.

The fact,  that the whoring  press and  TV networks  in New York ,   London ,  or Montreal don’t see it this way doesn’t make the reality of Israeli  criminality any less nefarious.

A genocide or an attempted genocide doesn’t become less evil if and when perpetrated by Jews. This is what Israel’s ignorant supporters in the West ought to realize, the sooner the better.

In light,  one is prompted to treat the Palmer report with the contempt it deserves. In the final analysis, judging murder, including haphazard murder, as legal because Jews are involved is the ultimate expression of moral bankruptcy, dishonesty and maliciousness.

The same thing applies to the other conclusion about the murderous  attack on Marmara, the Turkish aid ship sailing in international waters in May 2011.  That ship was carrying peaceful activists who wanted to reach the shore of Gaza to deliver urgently-needed relief materials, including  milk, to besieged Gazans.

Yet, instead of allowing the ship to proceed to its destination unhindered, the Gestapo-like  Israeli marines ganged up on innocent  and unarmed men and women, riddling  them with bullets from all sides.

The Turks and  other activists onboard Marmara never ever posed any real threat to the Jewish Rambos. How could they possibly do that, unless we adopt the proverbial  criminal  logic that it was the victims’ heads and chests  that hit the bullets, not the other way around, which puts the blames decidedly on the  victims.!

Unfortunately,  the government of Israel resorted to hasbara and lies and stone-walling to escape  responsibility, claiming  that its soldiers’ lives were  endangered, a claim that shouldn’t be dignified by commenting  on it.

Moreover, in an effort to come out clean of this murderous obscenity,  Israel made numerous insinuations about the humanitarian organization that planned and chartered the aid voyage, calling it terrorist.

Well, the Jewish state and its numerous mouthpieces  of mendacity  would automatically call anyone giving the Palestinians a helping hand terrorist even if the  that one were Jesus Christ or Moses, the  son  of Amram.

This is their way of demonizing and  dehumanizing their victims, just as the Nazis did several decades ago.

It is really heartening that the Turkish government has decided to show Israel that Turkish blood is a red line and that Israel could no longer mobilize its Free Mason  tools in Turkey to bully the Turkish leadership to grovel before Jewish feet. These days are over.

The  reported decision to expel the Zionist ambassador from Ankara, along  with the planned   downgrading  of  security relations with the  Jewish Reich in  occupied Jerusalem, should only be the beginning  of  a new strategic approach  on the part  of  Turkey toward Israel, an approach  that must demonstrate  to Jews and non-Jews alike  that Muslims are human beings, too, and have dignity like  everyone else.

By Khalid Amayreh in Israeli-occupied Jerusalem

Palestinian Info Center

Posted in Flotilla News, Gaza News, International NewsComments (0)

Why Palestinians can’t recognize a ‘Jewish state’


In his speech before the U.S. Congress last May, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu posed a serious challenge to the Palestinian Authority: If the PA would just say, “We recognize Israel as a Jewish state,” this would be sufficient to end the conflict. Israel, said Netanyahu, would be the first to vote for Palestinian statehood in the United Nations. The response of PA Prime Minister Dr. Salam Fayyad, in a recent interview with Haaretz, was that, “Israel’s character is its own business. It is not up to the Palestinians to define it.”

That is an unconvincing response. If recognition is just a technical point, why not say the seven requested words in order to win the vote in the United Nations? The Palestine Liberation Organization certainly understands the significance of Netanyahu’s offer, as it adopted a concept similar to that of the Jewish state in the Palestinian Declaration of Independence in 1988, which proclaims: “The State of Palestine is the state of Palestinians wherever they may be.” Moreover, how can it be explained that the PLO recognizes the right of Israel to exist and the PA’s security apparatus works in full coordination with Israel – but they are not prepared to say these seven words?

Israel’s Declaration of Independence of 1948 expressed the meaning of the “Jewish state.” It opens by noting: “Eretz Israel was the birthplace of the Jewish people,” and it continues by recounting the history and national memory of the Jewish people and their exclusive ownership of the state: “This right is the natural right of the Jewish people to be masters of their own fate … in their own sovereign state.”

The cornerstone of the Jewish state is the Law of Return, as the Supreme Court has noted. This is why Palestinian refugees have no right to return to Israel, whereas any Jew in the world, together with any non-Jewish members of his or her immediate family, has the right to immigrate to Israel. In stark contrast, Israeli law prohibits Israeli-Arab citizens from living within the Green Line with their Palestinian spouses, if the latter are residents of the West Bank or Gaza.

For the Palestinians to recognize Israel as a Jewish state is to declare their surrender, meaning, to waive their group dignity by negating their historical narrative and national identity. This recognition would affirm that since the rebirth of Israel is a “natural” and exclusive right, the first revolt in “our” history as Palestinians – against the British Mandate in the 1930s for encouraging Jewish immigration, as well as our resistance to Israel’s establishment in 1948 – were mistakes. Thus, the Nakba is “our” fault only.

By this recognition, we would accept the rationale of the Law of Return, and as a result, we would waive our right to return, even in principle. Further, since the historical masters of the land possess rights a priori, the confiscation of Palestinian land and its designation as “absentee property” makes sense, even when members of this group are “present absentees” in Israel. Also, because the revival of Hebrew expresses the rebirth of the nation, it should be the sole official language of this land and we would also accept the names of our villages and sites being changed from Arabic to Hebrew.

With this recognition, the Palestinian citizens of the state in Nazareth and Haifa, who remained in their homes in 1948, cannot demand a “state for all of its citizens” and full equality because they do not enjoy the same original rights as Jews.

Not recognizing Israel as a Jewish state is not the same as denying the right of self-determination of Israeli Jews. The exercise of self-determination of any people is embodied mainly by their right to govern as a national group. Self-determination can be exercised without exclusion or discrimination, including in cases of multinational or multi-linguistic groups such as in Canada, Belgium, Switzerland or South Africa.

This explains why Palestinian citizens of Israel who recognize the right of Israel to exist and the right of self-determination of Israeli Jews, as it is expressed in the Arab “Future Vision” documents of 2006 and 2007, can still strongly resist the exclusiveness embodied in the definition of Israel as a Jewish state.

The timing of Netanyahu’s offer is very relevant: It comes at one of the moments of greatest defeat in Palestinian history. Israel has succeeded, as political scientist Meron Benvenisti says, in fragmenting the Palestinians to pieces – the refugees, the Green Line, Gaza, West Bank and Jerusalem. Walls and checkpoints divide them. Each piece lives under different laws and different leaders. In addition to this weakness, the PA’s security forces continue to obey Israel’s orders. For Netanyahu’s government, this is the best time to ask the Palestinians to officially recognize the Zionist narrative.

This notion of surrender allows us to understand how Netanyahu can suggest that the Palestinians are “guilty” for all of their tragedies. He is right about one thing: Just as surrender ends a war, such recognition by the PLO would end the conflict. But he will have a hard time finding an Arab partner who will accept such an offer during this time of the Arab Spring, which is all about the right to dignity.

Haaretz

Hassan Jabareen is a lawyer and the founder and general director of Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel.

 

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UN envoy welcomes reopening of Gaza NGO


The UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process released a statement on Sunday welcoming the reopening of the International Medical Corps in the coastal enclave.

“UN Special Coordinator Robert Serry welcomes the reopening of International Medical Corps (IMC) today in Gaza. He recognizes the important work of NGOs in Gaza and is confident that a way forward has been reached in the interest of the people of Gaza,” a statement released by the UNSCO office said.

The statement comes as USAID halted humanitarian assistance to the Gaza Strip on Friday over alleged meddling by Hamas into project activities.

A Hamas official announced Saturday that a compromise had been reached with USAID to maintain the continuation of aid channels.

“We’ve reached a compromise with USAID through the United Nations.”

“We are keen on the continuation of the international institutions’ work and their services to our people,” the Hamas official said.

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US Organizations Urge Obama not to Veto Palestine’s UN Bid


The US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation delivered Friday to the US State Department an open letter signed by more than 125 groups, including 30 national organizations, and petitions signed by more than 25,000 people urging the Obama Administration not to veto Palestinian UN membership if the issue arises in the Security Council.

A statement issued by the Campaign said National organizations Code Pink, Grassroots International, Jewish Voice for Peace, and Just Foreign Policy contributed petition signatures to the overall count.

“Palestinians have been prevented from exercising their rights to freedom and self-determination on even a portion of their historic homeland due to Israel’s historic and ongoing policies of ethnic cleansing, apartheid, military occupation, and colonization,” said the open letter. “Palestinians have waited more than 63 years for their human rights. We urge you—do not set a timetable for Palestinian freedom by vetoing Palestinian membership in the United Nations.”

Josh Ruebner, national advocacy director of the US Campaign, stated that “the American people are ahead of the administration in recognizing that our policy towards the region has failed.”

“Even though the State Department has been unwilling to meet with us yet, we have made clear to the Obama Administration that thousands of people across this country, and a diverse and growing coalition of organizations representing hundreds of thousands more will continue to organize until we end unconditional U.S. support for Israel’s illegal military occupation and apartheid policies toward Palestinians,” he said.

“Through our efforts, the U.S. government will realize what so many people already know: that the way to achieve a just and lasting Israeli-Palestinian peace is to base our country’s policies on human rights, international law, and equality, and not to deny Palestinians freedom and self-determination.”

Other national organizations endorsing the open letter include: the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, American Educational Trust, American Federation of Ramallah, Palestine, American Jews for a Just Peace, American Muslims for Palestine, Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism, Episcopal Peace Fellowship Palestine-Israel Network, Fellowship of Reconciliation, Friends of Sabeel—North America ,Global Exchange, Interfaith Peace-Builders, Intersect Worldwide, Israel/Palestine Mission Network of the Presbyterian Church, (U.S.A.), Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD)—USA, Middle East Children’s Alliance, Paulist Ecumenical and Interfaith Relations, Peace Action, Presbyterian Peace Fellowship,  Progressive Democrats of America, Rachel Corrie Foundation for Peace and Justice , Unitarian Universalists for Justice in the Middle East, United for Peace and Justice,  United Methodist General Board of Church and Society, U.S. Peace Council, and War Resisters League.

The US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation is a national coalition of more than 350 organizations working to change U.S. policy toward Palestine/Israel to support human rights, international law, and equality.

 

Palestine News and Info Center

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Interview with Carlos Latuff by Dr. Hanan Chehata


Carlos Latuff is a Brazilian artist whose vibrant political cartoons have made him an inspirational advocate for the people of Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan and beyond. He uses his expressive art to expose injustices around the world including war crimes, apartheid, imperialism, exploitation, the dark underbelly of capitalism and other forms of oppression around the world. The most frequent targets for his derision are the governments of the USA and Israel, and he does not shy away from highlighting their roles in exploiting and oppressing innocent people, whether in Iraq, Palestine, Afghanistan or anywhere else. They say that a picture tells a thousand words and Latuff’s cartoons certainly do that. He is lauded among political activists and oppressed people who feel he is championing their human rights through his art but he is also the subject of vilification by others – primarily those his art criticises. One of the most inspiring and controversial political cartoonists of our time, Carlos Latuff agree to talk to MEMO about his art, what inspires his drawings and what it all means to him.

Dr. Hanan Cheata: Your art is clearly driven by your strong sense of justice and your personal opinions on issues such as Imperialism, capitalism, war, human rights violations and so on. Have you always been politically minded or was there a particular event or person that inspired you to become so politically engaged?

Carlos Latuff: I believe that working for a Leftist trade union paper for so long (since 1990) has an impact on my views. I learned the meaning of solidarity with the Leftists.


HC:
 You were born and raised in Rio de Janero in Brazil but have Lebanese ancestry. How far do you think your Arab roots have influenced your world view and your art?

CL: I think no influence at all. I didn’t know my grandfather, he passed away before I could meet him. It’s a matter of internationalism, as Che Guevara used to say. Solidarity with ALL people in the world. But I must say that since my visit to the Occupied Territories of the West Bank I feel attached to Palestine AND the Middle East.

 

HC: You visited Palestine in the late 1990′s. What is your most enduring memory of your visit there and did that experience change your view on the Palestine-Israel conflict in any way?

CL: What really caught my attention is the enormous difficulties faced by Palestinians under Israeli apartheid, and how they are strong and courageous enough to fight the occupation.
HC: You’ve been blacklisted by Israel and are therefore banned from visiting the Occupied Palestinian Territories again. This in itself surely reaffirms how powerful your images are if a country is willing to ban you on the grounds of your art? How do you feel about this ban?

CL: I fell into the same category of Palestinians in exile, denied entry to Palestine. Sometimes I feel myself a bit Palestinian. I take this ban as a compliment.


HC:
 You certainly do not shy away from controversy. No topic seems off limits to you but as a result you have become a target, receiving hate mail, on-line abuse and even, on occasion, death threats. Has the personal price you have had to pay for your art been worth it?

CL: Smear campaigns and death threats is nothing compared to what Palestinians have to endure. So it’s OK for me.

Exclusive interview with Carlos Latuff

Carlos Latuff: I fell into the same category of Palestinians in exile, denied entry to Palestine.

HC: You’ve been accused of anti-Semitism in the past, a slur levelled against many who speak out against the Israeli state. Have such accusations made you more cautious with your art?

CL: No way! These continuous allegations of anti-Semitism against my cartoons, against Palestinian solidarity activists, boycott campaigns, it’s all related to a well-known strategy of the Zionist lobby in
order to silence criticism against Israel.


HC:
 In a previous interview, when discussing censorship, which is a focus of many of your drawings, you say that if one site bans your pictures, it appears on ten others and that “the web is the theatre for virtual guerrilla tactics”. How important has the internet been in getting your message out to the world?

CL: Without the Internet I could only rely on the mainstream media to spread my artwork and opinions. Now with the Internet I can share my cartoons to all the corners of the world. Without the Internet you would never know about me :)


HC:
 What is your view of freedom of expression and art? Is there anything that should be entirely off limits?

CL: Respect, that’s everything we need to have in mind. There’s a BIG difference between criticism and attack. The cartoons about Mohammed, for example, are pure hatred against Muslims, it’s not about criticism or freedom of speech.


HC:
 You encourage people to distribute your art for free and you do not copyright your material. This seems to reaffirm your anti-capitalist stance. It feels as though your art is intended to be a gift to the oppressed people you draw about. Is this how you feel about it?

CL: The artwork I make for Palestinians, Egyptians and other causes is not professional; it’s an exercise of solidarity. I need for these cartoons reach a large audience because they have a message to deliver that is different from those you see in the mainstream media.


HC:
 One of the wonderful things about art is the way it transcends barriers of language, race, class and anything else. Your art has been viewed all around the world. Where is your art most well and least well received? For instance, given that American foreign policy is frequently the subject of criticism in your work, has your art been well received there?

CL: The oppressed are those who welcome my cartoons. The oppressors don’t.


HC:
 Of all of your political cartoons do you have a favourite one and if so why?

CL: The “We are all Palestinians” series where I compare the suffering of Palestinians with that of others throughout history.


HC:
 Do you plan to continue with this type of work for the foreseeable future or do you have something different planned for the next few years?

CL: The only plan I have is to make something useful for people’s struggles everywhere.

LATUFF ON THE WEB:
http://latuff2.deviantart.com/
http://tales-of-iraq-war.blogspot.com/
http://artintifada.wordpress.com/2009/01/10/latuff-palestine-cartoons/

MEMO

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Canadians rally in support of Flotilla 2


Canadian human rights activists gathered in the country’s capital on Sunday to support the Canadian boat to Gaza, which aims to deliver aid and bring attention to the suffering of the besieged people of Gaza.

The Canadian boat titled the ‘Tahrir’ which means Liberation in Arabic, is part of a group of humanitarian aid ships from around the world called “Freedom Flotilla Two” which were blocked from leaving port on Friday by Greek authorities.

 

Organizers say that even though Greek authorities are harassing the passengers on the Canadian boat to Gaza, however the Tahrir will set sail on Monday.

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Audacity Stopped at Sea (Video)


Video of Greek authorities stopping the U.S. Boat to Gaza under the pretense that it was not seaworthy. It later became clear that seaworthiness was never an issue, the Greek authorities had already decided not to let the Flotilla leave from any of it’s ports.

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Greece bars boats leaving Greek ports for Gaza


Greek authorities issued a ban Friday on Greek and foreign-flagged ships heading to the Gaza Strip from leaving Greek ports.

A flotilla of nine vessels and several hundred activists have said they want to break Israel’s sea blockade and deliver aid to the Palestinian territory.

Greece’s Civil Protection Ministry said coast guard authorities had been ordered to take “all appropriate measures” to implement the ban. It also said the “broader maritime area of the eastern Mediterranean will be continuously monitored by electronic means for tracking, where applicable, the movements of the ships allegedly participating” in the flotilla.

Witnesses said one of the boats, dubbed the Audacity of Freedom and carrying several dozen Americans, had left port Friday afternoon. Activists said on their Twitter feed that they had been intercepted by the Greek coast guard. Greek authorities did not immediately comment on the report.

Israel has said it will thwart any effort to breach the sea blockade of Gaza, which was imposed on the Palestinian territory after Hamas militants overran it in 2007.

An Israeli raid on a similar flotilla last year killed nine activists on a Turkish ship and each side blamed the other for the violence.

On Thursday, an Irish ship, the MV Saoirse – berthed at the Turkish coastal town of Gocek – said it had to abandon plans to set sail because of what it called Israeli sabotage. Earlier this week, activists said Israeli agents damaged the propeller of a Swedish ship in the Greek port. Israel has refused requests from The Associated Press for comment on the allegations.

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bD4=